After two previous visits to San Francisco, the Ancestry Day event appears to have outgrown the available facilities at the Hyatt Embarcadero, because this year we'll be in South San Francisco.
Space is still available for the 2016 Ancestry Day by the Bay, taking place on Saturday, June 18, from 8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. at the South San Francisco Conference Center. Come for a fun, information-packed day to learn how to research your family. Ancestry will bring some of its top researchers, who will show how to locate your ancestors and trace your family history using their voluminous resources. Sign up and learn more today.
This year Ancestry's conference partner is the Angel Island Immigration Station Foundation (AIISF). All proceeds from this event go to AIISF's Immigrant Voices Initiative, which tells the stories of immigrants to the Pacific Coast.
There will be a full day of presentations from Ancestry staff. In addition, representatives from the San Francisco Bay Area Jewish Genealogical Society, African American Genealogical Society of San Francisco, California Genealogical Society, San Francisco Public Library, San Mateo County Genealogical Society, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, and Daughters of the American Revolution will be on hand to tell you how their groups can help you continue your research beyond the basics.
The day's classes will include:
Beginner's basics session
How to get the most out of Ancestry.com's Web site
Using AncestryDNA to further your family research
Sharing your family story
Door prizes, including a gift certificate for genealogy research assistance (donated by me!), will be awarded throughout the day.
The optional luncheon includes a presentation by speaker Paula Williams Madison, former NBC Universal executive and author/producer of the book and film Finding Samuel Lowe, about the search for her Hakka Chinese grandfather's story. Paula Williams Madison has African, Chinese, and Jamaican ancestry.
Angel Island Day
There is also an Angel Island Day on the island on Friday, June 16, featuring speakers Zack Wilske, from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, and former National Archives staff member Marisa Louie, talking about the resources these organizations offer. A few tickets are left for the whole package (ferry, shuttle, lunch, Immigration Station admission). If sold out, you can make your own transportation arrangements and still enjoy the program.
Find out more about both of these exciting days here.
Genealogy is like a jigsaw puzzle, but you don't have the box top, so you don't know what the picture is supposed to look like. As you start putting the puzzle together, you realize some pieces are missing, and eventually you figure out that some of the pieces you started with don't actually belong to this puzzle. I'll help you discover the right pieces for your puzzle and assemble them into a picture of your family.
Showing posts with label DAR. Show all posts
Showing posts with label DAR. Show all posts
Wednesday, June 8, 2016
Friday, April 22, 2016
"Who Do You Think You Are?" - Scott Foley
So far it looks as though I'll probably stay behind on my Who Do You Think You Are? posts. I think I'll set a goal of posting about an episode before the second one after it airs. Maybe I can stick to that. This one took extra time because I worked hard at tracking down online links to some of the information presented in the episode.
The Scott Foley episode of Who Do You Think You Are? introduced me to another celebrity I hadn't heard of previously. The teaser told us that Foley would discover his family had an impact on critical events in U.S. history and that a relative put his life on the line for one of America's founding fathers. He would also learn about an ancestor who suffered unspeakably during one of America's darkest times.
Scott Foley is an actor whose first breakthrough role came on the Felicity series (never seen it). According to the hyped-up intro, he has become one of television's most sought-after stars. Other series on which he has appeared are Scrubs (I actually used to watch that in syndication), The Unit (nope), True Blood (nope), and Scandal (and nope). Foley lives in Los Angeles with his wife, actress Marike Domińczyk, and their three children. In one of the family shots, the Foleys' younger son takes his first steps, and Foley calls out to the cameraman, "Tell me you got that!" The camerman confirms, "Got it!" Nice to know that this program can serve a greater good.
Foley opens by telling us that the older he gets, the more important family is to him. His wife is from Poland; they know and see her family regularly, and she speaks in Polish to the children. He is proud of being American, but his wife knows her background and he doesn't. It's important for him to learn what he brings to the relationship and where he comes from.
Foley says his father "was" Hugh Henry Foley (which made me think he had passed away, but he shows up later, so it was just a poor choice of wording) and his mother was Constance Jean Foley (whoops! look at that disappearing maiden name). Foley is the oldest of three brothers. Hugh Foley worked in banking, and the family moved a lot. They didn't really know any cousins, aunts, or uncles; life was just the immediate family.
When Foley was 15 his mother passed away from ovarian cancer, from which she had suffred for three to four years. This of course affected the whole family. They didn't talk much about family history. Foley only knew one of his grandparents, his paternal grandfather, Earl Hugh Foley. He knows his paternal grandmother was Evelyn Fogg, and his father has said that they can trace their family back to the American Revolution through her. Foley himself, however, doesn't know anything.
To embark on this genealogical journey, Foley gets together with his father to talk, probably at Foley's home, because it looks as though his father is the one arriving. He starts out asking about Evelyn Fogg and the story that her family could go back to the American Revolution. His father confirms that and says maybe it could go further. He was told that if he had any daughters, they would be eligible for DAR, the Daughters of the American Revolution (I guess no one was enthusiastic about having the sons join Sons of the American Revolution?; maybe they need better marketing). Foley asks what DAR does, and his father says they trace families back to the Revolution (isn't that enough?). Throughout this segment Hugh tends to mumble and keep his eyes looking down; he obviously was not comfortable with the camera around.
Then Hugh shows Foley a photo of his grandfather Harry Fogg — Evelyn's father and Foley's great-grandfather — and says it was through his wife that the Revolution lineage came. He doesn't know her name, however. (The back of the photo has "Harry Fogg Grandfather on mother's side @ 1910-1915" in pencil.) He has a vague recollection that her maiden name might have been something like Wadworth.
Foley comes up with a brilliant idea: Maybe DAR has a Web site they can search? His father says he doesn't know anything about computers, so he can't help. Foley quickly finds the site and searches for Wadworth, with no results. He asks his father whether it could have been Wadsworth and searches for that. Whoops, that gives 50 results, too many to figure out. After commenting how little they know about their family, Foley decides that maybe he should go to DAR to start his research. He looks on the site and learns that it's in Washington, D.C., so that's where he's headed. (He's never heard of a research plan, has he?) He tells his father, "I will do all the research I can" (which must be the opposite of the royal we).
With the 50 Wadsworths on the DAR site, Foley didn't know what to look for. He's excited about learning his family's ties to history and thinks that maybe he'll find something.
In Washington Foley is being driven around (maybe even celebrities and big-budget television shows have trouble finding parking there). At the DAR library he meets professional genealogist Kyle Betit (who posted recently in one of my Facebook groups), whom he has previously told everything he knows about his family (which couldn't have taken long). And of course, Betit immediately points Foley to Ancestry.com, where Betit has magically created a family tree. When asked how he found the information, Betit says he primarily used vital records (which doesn't sound entirely plausible, considering the tree goes back to 1752).
The tree zooms by the three Foley brothers (one I can't read, Scott, and Sean; but didn't Scott say he was the oldest?; so why is he in the middle here?), the children of Hugh Henry Foley, Living, and Constance Kellerman (who regained her maiden name but lost her middle one). Hugh is the son of Earl Hugh Foley, born 1907, and Evelyn Miskle Fogg, born 1902 (ooh, an older woman!). Harrington (there's Harry!) B. Fogg, born 1866, was married to Mary Bliss Wardwell (I can easily see that mutating to Wadworth in people's memories over the years), born February 10, 1868 in Marblehead, Essex County, Massachusetts. Foley comments that he has never heard the name Wardwell before, not even being introduced to someone at a party. The camera pans quickly up the tree, but we catch a glimpse of Thomas G. Wardwell, born 1814, married to Mary Hannah Goodwin, born 1819; we appear to have skipped a generation, as they are more likely to be Mary Wardwell's grandparents. Thomas' parents are Simon Wardwell, born 1783, and Margaret Barker, born 1794. We stop at Foley's 5x-great-grandfather Simon Wardwell, born May 17, 1752 in Andover, Essex County, Massachusetts. He was married to Ruth Church, born 1756. (The Foley Family Tree, by the way, appears to be private.)
Betit points out that the Revolutionary War began in April 1775, and Foley says that Simon would have been 23 years old then, adding, "Look at that! That's an actor who can do math, people." He has a great sense of humor. Foley searches on the DAR Web site for Simon, including his birth place and year from the Ancestry tree. Of course he finds something:
He notices that Simon was a private. Betit explains Simon is an approved patriot, meaning that his service during the war has been verified. Foley then sees that Simon served from Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and that there's a pension number. He wonders if DAR has copies of the pension. Conveniently (since I don't think these are housed at DAR), Betit has one page of Simon's pension, his deposition about his service. The first thing Foley fixes on is the signature, which is large compared to the rest of the writing. He then does a very credible job of reading the early 19th-century handwriting. (This is available on Fold3.com, owned by Ancestry, so I was surprised it wasn't shown on the computer. More pages from the file are also there.) Only bits and pieces of this were shown on screen, and Foley did not read the entire text. I've transcribed the top part, through Simon's signature.
I, Simon Wardwell of the age of 65 years declare and say that I am a resident Citizen of the United States; that I now reside in & belong to the town of Andover in the County of Essex in the Middle Circuit, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts; — That at the latter part of April 1775 I inlisted [sic] as a private soldier, for the term of 8 months, into the army of the Revolutionary War; & then entered the service accordingly in the Company under Capt. B. Farnham, in Col. James Frye's Regt of Massachusetts troops, & served therein accordingly till the 8 months was out: — Also the 1st of January 1776 I inlisted again, & entered the service in the Company under Capt. Joshua Reed, in Col.Jos James M. Varnum's Regt of the Rhode Island troops; & served in said company about two months, & was then transferred to General Washington's life guard under Capt. Caleb Gibbs, & continued in service in said life guard untill [sic] as late as November 1776 when I had a fit of sickness & on that account obtained a discharge signed by Col: Webb, Aid to General Washington, & so left the service. That discharge is lost & not in my power or knowledge. I also say that I am, by reason of my reduced circumstance in life, in need of assistance from my country for support; and I never had any Pension allowed me by the laws of the United States.
The deposition was notarized on April 8, 1818, so Simon appears to have known his age pretty accurately.
Foley reads about Simon's two enlistment dates and then focuses on the statement that he was transferred to Washington's "life guard" about March or April of 1776, asking if that was like the Secret Service. Betit says it was an elite unit whose mission was to protect Washington. Foley is absolutely blown away and wants to know more, such as what kind of relationship Simon had with Washington. Betit tells him that in March 1776 Washington was in Cambridge, Massachusetts, not far from where the two of them are at that moment (gee, only about 450 miles), and that he can set up an appointment with a Revlutionary War historian at the site of Washington's Cambridge headquarters.
Foley leaves the building and flags down a car. He is amazed that his 5x-great-grandfather was in the Revolutionary War with Washington. He's learned only a little and already thinks he's entered a world of wonder. Now he wants to know more about Simon's service and what exactly he did.
In Cambridge Foley walks up to the Longfellow House—Washington's Headquarters National Historic Site. Walking down from the house to meet him is R. Scott Stephenson, Ph.D., Director of Collections and Interpretation at the Museum of the American Revolution. (We've seen him previously on the Valerie Bertinelli and Angie Harmon episodes.) They introduce themselves and get some amusement out of the fact that they're both named Scott. Foley says that his 5x-great-grandfather Simon Wardwell was a member of Washington's life guard, and Stephenson responds that there's a project to document all of the men who were in the life guard, so he knows Simon's name.
The life guard was partly a security detail to protect Washington himself, but it was also intended to proect Washington's papers, which had military secrets that the British would have liked to know. The Longfellow House was Washington's headquarters from July 1775 to April 1776. Simon probably stood guard in the area in front of the house where the two men are now standing. Foley finds himself surprisingly emotional about that.
Inside the house, the Scotts are in a room used as Washington's reception room. Foley comments that Washington was the general in charge of the Revolutionary Army, but Stephenson corrects him, pointing out that when it began, it was not a revolution. At first Washington and the others were fighting to restore the rights they believed they were entitled to as British citizens.
Washington was appointed as the commander of the army in June 1775. He knew at that point that fighting would go on for at least another year. He decided to form the life guard. Foley asks how Simon was chosen. Was there a vetting process? Some sort of boot camp?
Stephenson brings out a document he says is an extract from Washington's orderly book, which contained orders from Washington to be distributed to the entire army. The top of the page is dated Cambridge, 10th March 1776, and we're led to believe it's all about the birth of the life guard. The commanding officer of each regiment had to give four men. There were twenty-seven regiments in the main army, so the first selection produced a little more than 100 men. Washington chose a little less than half of them.
The date shown at the top of the document, 10th March 1776, does not appear to be the date of the orders for the creation of the life guard. March 10 had a couple of other items. The life guard seems to date from March 11, 1776, based on the wealth of transcriptions available online. (The document itself does not appear to be digitized and online, however.) I can't tell for sure if that is accurate, however, because all of the transcriptions differ slightly from the images shown on the program. It's possible the exact wording varied between the different commanding officers. What I have reconstructed below is based on my reading of what was shown (the best images I could capture are below), augmented by text in brackets from the earliest transcription I could find online, from 1836.
The General being desirous of selecting a particular Number of men for a guard to himself & Baggage the Cols or Commanding Officers of each of the established Regts, the Artillery & Rifle men excepted, will furnish him with four. That the number wanted may be chosen out of them: His Excellency depends upon the Cols for good men such as they can recommend for their sobriety, honesty & good Behavior. He wishes them to be from 5 foot 8 Inches to 5 foot 10 Inches high handsome & well made, & as there is nothing in his eyes more desirable than cleanliness in a Soldier [he desires that] particular Attention will be [had in the choice of] such as are spruce & neat. They [are all to be] at headquarters tomorrow precisely at 12P [at] Noon when the Number will be [fixed upon. The] Genl. neither wants men with [uniforms nor arms; nor] does he desire any men to be [sent to him who] are not perfectly willing to be [— of the Guard.] They should be drill'd men.
Foley thinks that several of the requirements sound superficial, relying on looks, etc. Stephenson explains that in the 18th century, physical characteristics were seen as reflecting someone's character. The fact that this was to be an elite unit meant that the men would be seen as a reflection of their commander. Foley also commented on the height requirements, which Stephenson did not address. (As Washington was known to be at least 6' tall, I wonder if he wanted to ensure that no member of his detail was taller than he was. Maybe it was an ego thing?)
As Foley also had asked what sort of relationship Simon would have had with Washington, Stephenson explains that Washington had a somewhat aloof command style, suggesting that he was not particularly close to his men. The life guards' job was to protect Washington specifically, but Martha and the children were in Cambridge also, so keeping an eye on them was probably part of the responsibilities. Each of the men had to have a real commitment to the position. Overall, Simon is a great person to be descended from.
Foley decides he really likes Simon, who was a respectable man. Then he wonders about the "drill'd men" requirement. That probably meant that they had some experience, which Stephenson confirms. Foley then asks whether Simon saw any action in the life guard. Stephenson says, "You bet!" The guard had a busy summer and fall in 1776. An assassination attempt was made on Washington, and on July 9 the Declaration of Independence was read to the army for the first time. This was when they learned what they were fighting for. Prior to this the battle had been to restore their rights as Englishmen; now they were fighting for independence, and it had become a revolution.
On the personal side, in March 1777 Simon married Ruth Church. They were married 42 years and had thirteen children. Foley is amazed at the number but says that as a father, he respects Simon the most for that. He's impressed and proud.
Ah, but now Foley wants more. Simon was born in Massachusetts, which means his parents were here. How far back can he go? Stephenson tells him that he's near Boston, the home of the New England Historic Genealogical Society (NEHGS). (And this time it really is close, less than 5 miles!) That's the place to go for answers about New England ancestors.
As he walks away from the Longfellow House, Foley is amazed that he didn't know anything about his family and now has learned this fantastic story about Simon. That would be enough, but maybe he can go further back and learn even more. He's a little overwhelmed. His 5x-great-grandfather believed in the new nation and served with Washington, our country's first president. He will be proud to share with his children that someone in their lineage helped found America.
The next day Foley is in Boston. He's still giddy about the story that ended yesterday but is looking forward to learning a whole new story today. He anticipates being excited, whatever comes his way.
At NEHGS Mary Beth Norton, a professor of American history at Cornell (and later credited on screen as the author of In the Devil's Snare), is waiting to greet Foley. She has one of those lovely calligraphed family trees that leap gaily from one generation to the next without benefit of showing any documentation. She tells him it was prepared for him "by genealogists" (which must mean everything is accurate, I guess). When Foley asks how she did this (um, she didn't do it, sorry, dude, she's not a genealogist), she blithely answers, "With vital records." (Sure, she did.)
This tree begins with Foley's father and then goes to his grandparents Earl Hugh Foley, born March 9, 1907 in Bon Homme County, South Dakota, and Evelyn Miskle Fogg, born December 13, 1902 in Holland, Michigan. Next come Harrington Dingley (Dingley?! I guess that wasn't a B after all) Fogg, born February 5, 1866 in Kalamazoo, Michigan, and Mary Bliss Wardwell, born in Marblehead. The 2x-great-grandparents are Horace Ware Wardwell, born May 16, 1842 in Andover, and Sarah Jane Carmodie, born about 1847 in Salem, Massachusetts. Horace's parents were Thomas Gage Wardwell, born October 13, 1814 in Andover, and Mary Hannah Goodwin, born November 3, 1819 in Saco, Maine. Thomas' parents were Simon Wardwell, Jr., born August 24, 1788 in Andover, and Margaret Barker, born February 3, 1794 in Methuen, Massachusetts. Simon's father was Simon Wardwell, Sr., born May 17, 1752 in Andover (we know a lot about him now), and his mother was Ruth Church, born September 1756 in Haverhill, Massachusetts. Simon Sr.'s parents were Eliakim Wardwell, born January 22, 1723 in Andover, and Mary Peavey, born March 22, 1724 in Andover. Next come William Wardwell, born November 9, 1679 in Andover, and Dorothy Wright, born July 23, 1688 in Andover. William's parents were Samuel Wardwell, born May 16, 1643 in Exeter, Massachusetts, and Sarah Hooper, born December 7, 1650 in Reading, Massachusetts. The final generation shown is Foley's 9x-great-grandparents Thomas Wardwell, born January 31, 1603 in Alford, England, and Elizabeth (no maiden name), born in England (without even an approximate year of birth).
Foley zeroes in on Thomas Wardwell, realizing that is his immigrant ancestor. Norton confirms that and adds he was among the first settlers of Massachusetts. She goes on to say that Wardwell is a name well known in New England. In particular, Samuel Wardwell, Foley's 8x-great-grandfather, was very important. Foley is surprised and asks if Norton has heard of him before. Norton says he is well known and hands him a copy of a document.
Foley asks what it is and begans reading it. I give him credit, he didn't do that bad of a job, but he stumbles over some of the words and asks Norton, "How do you read this?" She admits 17th-century handwriting is difficult and offers Foley a transcription, which he gratefully accepts. (You can read the transcription of this and other documents relating to Samuel's trial on the Salem Witch Trials site at the University of Virginia.) Foley reads "in the snare of the devil" and exclaims, "What is happening here? What is this?" The document turns out to be Samuel's confession of witchcraft, dated September 10, 1692. Foley's ancestor had been caught up in the infamous Salem witch trials. Foley admits he doesn't know details about the trials. Norton says that Samuel's confession came late in the trial period.
The narrator steps in to tell us that the Salem witch crisis (I'm used to the events being called the Salem witch trials; is this new phrase, which was used several times in the episode, some sort of redefining of history?) began in February 1692, seven months before Samuel's confession. Everything started with two girls who made bizarre accusations of witchcraft against several people. They went into contortions and had screaming fits. A doctor said they were under the influence of evil, and events exploded into an atmosphere of fear and hysteria. The Puritan community believed God was punishing them and attempted to reaffirm their religious beliefs by going after those they believed were in league with the devil. They aggressively pursued anyone who was accused.
Foley asks Norton whether Samuel was on trial. At the time of the document, he had only been accused, and he was confessing. At first he had returned "negative answers" to the questioning, that is, he had denied being a witch. He then admitted it, because up to that point, anyone who had confessed was not actually tried. The men leading the proceedings wanted confessed witches to accuse more participants. At some point after his confession, however, Samuel recanted and said he had been coerced. Unfortunately, between his confession and trial two others who had confessed were indicted and tried, so maybe Samuel decided his original plan was no longer going to be effective. He was actually tried.
Foley is surprised that not only women were considered witches. Norton explains that anyone could be accused, and that one quarter of the accused were men. Foley is then concerned about Samuel's family, which must have been in huge turmoil. Samuel had seven children; how can Foley find out what happened to them? Norton tells him that the Salem Witch House is only a few miles north of where they are at the moment, and that he should go there and find out. He will be able to speak with Margo Burns, an expert on the Andover witch trials.
Walking away from NEHGS, Foley wonders what Samuel's fate was. He hopes the family was able to stay together, for the sake of the chidren. Was Samuel one of the victims, or did he make it through?
At the Witch House, Foley tells Margo Burns, credited as a historian of the Salem witch trials, the story of Samuel (which she obviously must have known already). She hands him a copy of testimony made against Samuel. (The two documents shown below are linked to Samuel's case on the University of Virginia site, where you can read the transcriptions.) Foley again does a reasonable job of reading the 17th-century writing, with assistance from Burns on occasion. On September 14, 1692, a 16-year-old girl named Martha Spriggs accused Samuel of pinching her, sticking pins into her, and striking her down.
Foley is stunned that Martha actually believed Samuel was a wizard. He can't believe that she testified Samuel had struck her down and stuck her with pins. Burns tells him that the young girls were very dramatic in their testimony, screeching and contorting themselves. Amazingly, the court found their testimony credible, which Foley thinks is pretty scary.
Burns brings out another person's testimony. This was from Ephraim Foster, a 34-year-old man. He stated that Samuel had told his (Foster's) wife that she would have five girls before she had a son, and that the same had come to pass. Samuel had told another woman's fortune. He had a reputation for telling fortunes, reading palms, and predicting what children women would have. Foster was a more credible witness than Martha Spriggs, and he lent credibility to the charges made against Samuel. Burns explains that the people at this time believed in an invisible world around them. Angels and demons were part of their worldview and were very real to them.
Foley asks if a person on trial had an attorney. Burns tells him the accused could not have an attorney but could try to respond to the accusations made against him. After seeing all the depositions, Foley then asks what happened to Samuel. Instead of answering directly, Burns hands him a copy of a book. More Wonders of the Invisible World was first published in 1700 by a critic of the witch trials. It has many first-person accounts. The edition Foley is looking at is a later reprint. (This reprint is from 1823, quite a bit later. I think this one is the original 1700 version.) Foley reads short snippets from the book.
"September 17, nine more received sentence of death, viz. Margaret Scot, of Rowley ; goodwife Reed, of Marblehead ; Samuel Wardwell and Mary Parker, of Andover ; also Abigail Falkner, of Andover, who pleaded pregnancy ; Rebecca Ames, of Boxford, Mary Lacy and Ann Foster, of Andover, and Abigail Hobbs, of Toppsfield." (pages 217–218, 1823 edition)
Foley finds it "amazingly heavy" to learn that Samuel Wardwell was sentenced to death. The convicted were scheduled to hang. Burns says that it was the fourth hanging in the series of trials but doesn't specify whether that was in the entire proceedings or in Andover.
The narrator says that on September 22, 1692 seven woman and one man were to be hanged, and that Samuel Wardwell was the man. They were taken to the outskirts of Salem. Each was permitted to say some final words. (The names of the seven women hung on September 22 are included in the short Wikipedia article about Samuel.)
A big crowd was watching as people were protesting their innocence, with the ropes around their necks. The executioner was smoking:
"[W]hile [Wardwell] was speaking to the people, protesting his innocency, the executioner being at the same time smoking tobacco, the smoke coming in [Wardwell's] face interrupted his discourse ; those accusers said that the devil did hinder him with smoke." (page 218, 1823 edition)
Burns then goees into some detail about hanging. It could take up to 20 minutes for an individual to die, and the body could still twitch after that. The crowd would stay to see the death throes. Everyone came to watch. (This was public entertainment at the time.)
"After execution, mr. Noyes . . . said, What a sad thing it is to see eight firebrands of hell hanging there!" (page 219, 1823 edition)
Burns tells Foley that a total of nineteen people were executed in Salem. The hangings in September were the last ones.
Foley asks whether Samuel has any kind of tombstone. Burns explains that those who were hung did not have graves; their bodies were discarded in a crevice or wherever was convenient. She adds that Salem has a memorial to the people who were executed. She recommends that he experience it.
Foley is still somewhat stunned as he leaves. After all, you don't expect to discover that your ancestor was hanged as a witch. (This episode is an interesting counterpoint to that with Sarah Jessica Parker, whose ancestor was convicted but did not die, because saner minds were beginning to prevail.) He laughs and, realizing it must sound like an odd reaction, says he's laughing because what he has learned is so foreign to him. His daughter had dressed up as a witch for Hallowe'en, and everyone thought it was cute. Now he has a different perspective but maintains it was still cute, the distance from the actual event allowing for it.
Foley visits the Burying Point in Salem, which was established in 1637. There's a regular cemetery, but there are also eight benches with the names of the eight people who were hung on September 22. The first one we see him look at is Samuel Wardwell's. He also looks at phrases incised in the stones on the ground: I AM INNOCENT; I AM WRONGED; GOD KNOWS I AM INNOCENT; I CAN DENY IT TO MY DYING DAY; OH LORD HELP ME. The words put a horror to the event for him; seeing the words etched in stone makes it so severe.
Eventually Foley sits on Samuel's bench: "Just me and Sam on a bench." He muses over the fact that in Salem the memorial is a tourist attraction. People see the names, but they don't really mean anything unless you're related to them. Five days ago he didn't know anything about Samuel or Simon, and now his mind is blown. He had no idea he had such a connection to the history of our country. He plans to take the story with him from now on: "This is my story. And it's a damned good story."
When I found the University of Virginia site about the witch trials, I discovered that Samuel's wife, Sarah, and his daughter Mercy also confessed to being witches, which makes Foley's comment about the family being in turmoil much more poignant. This is one of those times when I wonder (more than usual) about what the celebrity is told that doesn't make it into the edited version of the episode. He probably didn't know about Sarah and Mercy when he asked the question, but did Norton or Burns let him know about their confessions? Sarah is even mentioned, though not by given name, in More Wonders of the Invisible World:
". . . the wife of Wardwell, who was one of the twenty executed, and it seems they had both confessed themselves guilty . . . . It is supposed that this woman, fearing her husband's fate, was not so stiff in her denials of her former confession, such as it was." (page 279, 1823 edition)
I mentioned in my post about Aisha Tyler that the Ancestry.com DNA commercials are better than the annoying one about the wrong draft registration card. I think I've decided that one of the DNA spots is becoming that annoying. It's the one with the woman who was so excited to find that she is one quarter American Indian and now wants to learn all about her heritage. Since there's no specific tribal information, just the overall "Native American" label, I found myself wondering whether the Indian pots and other items that are used as set dressing are actually related to the tribe or tribes for which she has roots. I also found it interesting that the "most shocking result" from her DNA test was the Indian ancestry, and not one comment about the 8% African.
The Scott Foley episode of Who Do You Think You Are? introduced me to another celebrity I hadn't heard of previously. The teaser told us that Foley would discover his family had an impact on critical events in U.S. history and that a relative put his life on the line for one of America's founding fathers. He would also learn about an ancestor who suffered unspeakably during one of America's darkest times.
Scott Foley is an actor whose first breakthrough role came on the Felicity series (never seen it). According to the hyped-up intro, he has become one of television's most sought-after stars. Other series on which he has appeared are Scrubs (I actually used to watch that in syndication), The Unit (nope), True Blood (nope), and Scandal (and nope). Foley lives in Los Angeles with his wife, actress Marike Domińczyk, and their three children. In one of the family shots, the Foleys' younger son takes his first steps, and Foley calls out to the cameraman, "Tell me you got that!" The camerman confirms, "Got it!" Nice to know that this program can serve a greater good.
Foley opens by telling us that the older he gets, the more important family is to him. His wife is from Poland; they know and see her family regularly, and she speaks in Polish to the children. He is proud of being American, but his wife knows her background and he doesn't. It's important for him to learn what he brings to the relationship and where he comes from.
Foley says his father "was" Hugh Henry Foley (which made me think he had passed away, but he shows up later, so it was just a poor choice of wording) and his mother was Constance Jean Foley (whoops! look at that disappearing maiden name). Foley is the oldest of three brothers. Hugh Foley worked in banking, and the family moved a lot. They didn't really know any cousins, aunts, or uncles; life was just the immediate family.
When Foley was 15 his mother passed away from ovarian cancer, from which she had suffred for three to four years. This of course affected the whole family. They didn't talk much about family history. Foley only knew one of his grandparents, his paternal grandfather, Earl Hugh Foley. He knows his paternal grandmother was Evelyn Fogg, and his father has said that they can trace their family back to the American Revolution through her. Foley himself, however, doesn't know anything.
To embark on this genealogical journey, Foley gets together with his father to talk, probably at Foley's home, because it looks as though his father is the one arriving. He starts out asking about Evelyn Fogg and the story that her family could go back to the American Revolution. His father confirms that and says maybe it could go further. He was told that if he had any daughters, they would be eligible for DAR, the Daughters of the American Revolution (I guess no one was enthusiastic about having the sons join Sons of the American Revolution?; maybe they need better marketing). Foley asks what DAR does, and his father says they trace families back to the Revolution (isn't that enough?). Throughout this segment Hugh tends to mumble and keep his eyes looking down; he obviously was not comfortable with the camera around.
Then Hugh shows Foley a photo of his grandfather Harry Fogg — Evelyn's father and Foley's great-grandfather — and says it was through his wife that the Revolution lineage came. He doesn't know her name, however. (The back of the photo has "Harry Fogg Grandfather on mother's side @ 1910-1915" in pencil.) He has a vague recollection that her maiden name might have been something like Wadworth.
Foley comes up with a brilliant idea: Maybe DAR has a Web site they can search? His father says he doesn't know anything about computers, so he can't help. Foley quickly finds the site and searches for Wadworth, with no results. He asks his father whether it could have been Wadsworth and searches for that. Whoops, that gives 50 results, too many to figure out. After commenting how little they know about their family, Foley decides that maybe he should go to DAR to start his research. He looks on the site and learns that it's in Washington, D.C., so that's where he's headed. (He's never heard of a research plan, has he?) He tells his father, "I will do all the research I can" (which must be the opposite of the royal we).
With the 50 Wadsworths on the DAR site, Foley didn't know what to look for. He's excited about learning his family's ties to history and thinks that maybe he'll find something.
In Washington Foley is being driven around (maybe even celebrities and big-budget television shows have trouble finding parking there). At the DAR library he meets professional genealogist Kyle Betit (who posted recently in one of my Facebook groups), whom he has previously told everything he knows about his family (which couldn't have taken long). And of course, Betit immediately points Foley to Ancestry.com, where Betit has magically created a family tree. When asked how he found the information, Betit says he primarily used vital records (which doesn't sound entirely plausible, considering the tree goes back to 1752).
The tree zooms by the three Foley brothers (one I can't read, Scott, and Sean; but didn't Scott say he was the oldest?; so why is he in the middle here?), the children of Hugh Henry Foley, Living, and Constance Kellerman (who regained her maiden name but lost her middle one). Hugh is the son of Earl Hugh Foley, born 1907, and Evelyn Miskle Fogg, born 1902 (ooh, an older woman!). Harrington (there's Harry!) B. Fogg, born 1866, was married to Mary Bliss Wardwell (I can easily see that mutating to Wadworth in people's memories over the years), born February 10, 1868 in Marblehead, Essex County, Massachusetts. Foley comments that he has never heard the name Wardwell before, not even being introduced to someone at a party. The camera pans quickly up the tree, but we catch a glimpse of Thomas G. Wardwell, born 1814, married to Mary Hannah Goodwin, born 1819; we appear to have skipped a generation, as they are more likely to be Mary Wardwell's grandparents. Thomas' parents are Simon Wardwell, born 1783, and Margaret Barker, born 1794. We stop at Foley's 5x-great-grandfather Simon Wardwell, born May 17, 1752 in Andover, Essex County, Massachusetts. He was married to Ruth Church, born 1756. (The Foley Family Tree, by the way, appears to be private.)
Betit points out that the Revolutionary War began in April 1775, and Foley says that Simon would have been 23 years old then, adding, "Look at that! That's an actor who can do math, people." He has a great sense of humor. Foley searches on the DAR Web site for Simon, including his birth place and year from the Ancestry tree. Of course he finds something:
He notices that Simon was a private. Betit explains Simon is an approved patriot, meaning that his service during the war has been verified. Foley then sees that Simon served from Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and that there's a pension number. He wonders if DAR has copies of the pension. Conveniently (since I don't think these are housed at DAR), Betit has one page of Simon's pension, his deposition about his service. The first thing Foley fixes on is the signature, which is large compared to the rest of the writing. He then does a very credible job of reading the early 19th-century handwriting. (This is available on Fold3.com, owned by Ancestry, so I was surprised it wasn't shown on the computer. More pages from the file are also there.) Only bits and pieces of this were shown on screen, and Foley did not read the entire text. I've transcribed the top part, through Simon's signature.
-- >< -- >< -- >< -- >< --
I, Simon Wardwell of the age of 65 years declare and say that I am a resident Citizen of the United States; that I now reside in & belong to the town of Andover in the County of Essex in the Middle Circuit, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts; — That at the latter part of April 1775 I inlisted [sic] as a private soldier, for the term of 8 months, into the army of the Revolutionary War; & then entered the service accordingly in the Company under Capt. B. Farnham, in Col. James Frye's Regt of Massachusetts troops, & served therein accordingly till the 8 months was out: — Also the 1st of January 1776 I inlisted again, & entered the service in the Company under Capt. Joshua Reed, in Col.
Simon Wardwell [signature]
-- >< -- >< -- >< -- >< --
The deposition was notarized on April 8, 1818, so Simon appears to have known his age pretty accurately.
Foley reads about Simon's two enlistment dates and then focuses on the statement that he was transferred to Washington's "life guard" about March or April of 1776, asking if that was like the Secret Service. Betit says it was an elite unit whose mission was to protect Washington. Foley is absolutely blown away and wants to know more, such as what kind of relationship Simon had with Washington. Betit tells him that in March 1776 Washington was in Cambridge, Massachusetts, not far from where the two of them are at that moment (gee, only about 450 miles), and that he can set up an appointment with a Revlutionary War historian at the site of Washington's Cambridge headquarters.
Foley leaves the building and flags down a car. He is amazed that his 5x-great-grandfather was in the Revolutionary War with Washington. He's learned only a little and already thinks he's entered a world of wonder. Now he wants to know more about Simon's service and what exactly he did.
In Cambridge Foley walks up to the Longfellow House—Washington's Headquarters National Historic Site. Walking down from the house to meet him is R. Scott Stephenson, Ph.D., Director of Collections and Interpretation at the Museum of the American Revolution. (We've seen him previously on the Valerie Bertinelli and Angie Harmon episodes.) They introduce themselves and get some amusement out of the fact that they're both named Scott. Foley says that his 5x-great-grandfather Simon Wardwell was a member of Washington's life guard, and Stephenson responds that there's a project to document all of the men who were in the life guard, so he knows Simon's name.
The life guard was partly a security detail to protect Washington himself, but it was also intended to proect Washington's papers, which had military secrets that the British would have liked to know. The Longfellow House was Washington's headquarters from July 1775 to April 1776. Simon probably stood guard in the area in front of the house where the two men are now standing. Foley finds himself surprisingly emotional about that.
Inside the house, the Scotts are in a room used as Washington's reception room. Foley comments that Washington was the general in charge of the Revolutionary Army, but Stephenson corrects him, pointing out that when it began, it was not a revolution. At first Washington and the others were fighting to restore the rights they believed they were entitled to as British citizens.
Washington was appointed as the commander of the army in June 1775. He knew at that point that fighting would go on for at least another year. He decided to form the life guard. Foley asks how Simon was chosen. Was there a vetting process? Some sort of boot camp?
Stephenson brings out a document he says is an extract from Washington's orderly book, which contained orders from Washington to be distributed to the entire army. The top of the page is dated Cambridge, 10th March 1776, and we're led to believe it's all about the birth of the life guard. The commanding officer of each regiment had to give four men. There were twenty-seven regiments in the main army, so the first selection produced a little more than 100 men. Washington chose a little less than half of them.
The date shown at the top of the document, 10th March 1776, does not appear to be the date of the orders for the creation of the life guard. March 10 had a couple of other items. The life guard seems to date from March 11, 1776, based on the wealth of transcriptions available online. (The document itself does not appear to be digitized and online, however.) I can't tell for sure if that is accurate, however, because all of the transcriptions differ slightly from the images shown on the program. It's possible the exact wording varied between the different commanding officers. What I have reconstructed below is based on my reading of what was shown (the best images I could capture are below), augmented by text in brackets from the earliest transcription I could find online, from 1836.
-- >< -- >< -- >< -- >< --
The General being desirous of selecting a particular Number of men for a guard to himself & Baggage the Cols or Commanding Officers of each of the established Regts, the Artillery & Rifle men excepted, will furnish him with four. That the number wanted may be chosen out of them: His Excellency depends upon the Cols for good men such as they can recommend for their sobriety, honesty & good Behavior. He wishes them to be from 5 foot 8 Inches to 5 foot 10 Inches high handsome & well made, & as there is nothing in his eyes more desirable than cleanliness in a Soldier [he desires that] particular Attention will be [had in the choice of] such as are spruce & neat. They [are all to be] at headquarters tomorrow precisely at 12P [at] Noon when the Number will be [fixed upon. The] Genl. neither wants men with [uniforms nor arms; nor] does he desire any men to be [sent to him who] are not perfectly willing to be [— of the Guard.] They should be drill'd men.
-- >< -- >< -- >< -- >< --
Foley thinks that several of the requirements sound superficial, relying on looks, etc. Stephenson explains that in the 18th century, physical characteristics were seen as reflecting someone's character. The fact that this was to be an elite unit meant that the men would be seen as a reflection of their commander. Foley also commented on the height requirements, which Stephenson did not address. (As Washington was known to be at least 6' tall, I wonder if he wanted to ensure that no member of his detail was taller than he was. Maybe it was an ego thing?)
As Foley also had asked what sort of relationship Simon would have had with Washington, Stephenson explains that Washington had a somewhat aloof command style, suggesting that he was not particularly close to his men. The life guards' job was to protect Washington specifically, but Martha and the children were in Cambridge also, so keeping an eye on them was probably part of the responsibilities. Each of the men had to have a real commitment to the position. Overall, Simon is a great person to be descended from.
Foley decides he really likes Simon, who was a respectable man. Then he wonders about the "drill'd men" requirement. That probably meant that they had some experience, which Stephenson confirms. Foley then asks whether Simon saw any action in the life guard. Stephenson says, "You bet!" The guard had a busy summer and fall in 1776. An assassination attempt was made on Washington, and on July 9 the Declaration of Independence was read to the army for the first time. This was when they learned what they were fighting for. Prior to this the battle had been to restore their rights as Englishmen; now they were fighting for independence, and it had become a revolution.
On the personal side, in March 1777 Simon married Ruth Church. They were married 42 years and had thirteen children. Foley is amazed at the number but says that as a father, he respects Simon the most for that. He's impressed and proud.
Ah, but now Foley wants more. Simon was born in Massachusetts, which means his parents were here. How far back can he go? Stephenson tells him that he's near Boston, the home of the New England Historic Genealogical Society (NEHGS). (And this time it really is close, less than 5 miles!) That's the place to go for answers about New England ancestors.
As he walks away from the Longfellow House, Foley is amazed that he didn't know anything about his family and now has learned this fantastic story about Simon. That would be enough, but maybe he can go further back and learn even more. He's a little overwhelmed. His 5x-great-grandfather believed in the new nation and served with Washington, our country's first president. He will be proud to share with his children that someone in their lineage helped found America.
The next day Foley is in Boston. He's still giddy about the story that ended yesterday but is looking forward to learning a whole new story today. He anticipates being excited, whatever comes his way.
At NEHGS Mary Beth Norton, a professor of American history at Cornell (and later credited on screen as the author of In the Devil's Snare), is waiting to greet Foley. She has one of those lovely calligraphed family trees that leap gaily from one generation to the next without benefit of showing any documentation. She tells him it was prepared for him "by genealogists" (which must mean everything is accurate, I guess). When Foley asks how she did this (um, she didn't do it, sorry, dude, she's not a genealogist), she blithely answers, "With vital records." (Sure, she did.)
This tree begins with Foley's father and then goes to his grandparents Earl Hugh Foley, born March 9, 1907 in Bon Homme County, South Dakota, and Evelyn Miskle Fogg, born December 13, 1902 in Holland, Michigan. Next come Harrington Dingley (Dingley?! I guess that wasn't a B after all) Fogg, born February 5, 1866 in Kalamazoo, Michigan, and Mary Bliss Wardwell, born in Marblehead. The 2x-great-grandparents are Horace Ware Wardwell, born May 16, 1842 in Andover, and Sarah Jane Carmodie, born about 1847 in Salem, Massachusetts. Horace's parents were Thomas Gage Wardwell, born October 13, 1814 in Andover, and Mary Hannah Goodwin, born November 3, 1819 in Saco, Maine. Thomas' parents were Simon Wardwell, Jr., born August 24, 1788 in Andover, and Margaret Barker, born February 3, 1794 in Methuen, Massachusetts. Simon's father was Simon Wardwell, Sr., born May 17, 1752 in Andover (we know a lot about him now), and his mother was Ruth Church, born September 1756 in Haverhill, Massachusetts. Simon Sr.'s parents were Eliakim Wardwell, born January 22, 1723 in Andover, and Mary Peavey, born March 22, 1724 in Andover. Next come William Wardwell, born November 9, 1679 in Andover, and Dorothy Wright, born July 23, 1688 in Andover. William's parents were Samuel Wardwell, born May 16, 1643 in Exeter, Massachusetts, and Sarah Hooper, born December 7, 1650 in Reading, Massachusetts. The final generation shown is Foley's 9x-great-grandparents Thomas Wardwell, born January 31, 1603 in Alford, England, and Elizabeth (no maiden name), born in England (without even an approximate year of birth).
Foley zeroes in on Thomas Wardwell, realizing that is his immigrant ancestor. Norton confirms that and adds he was among the first settlers of Massachusetts. She goes on to say that Wardwell is a name well known in New England. In particular, Samuel Wardwell, Foley's 8x-great-grandfather, was very important. Foley is surprised and asks if Norton has heard of him before. Norton says he is well known and hands him a copy of a document.
Foley asks what it is and begans reading it. I give him credit, he didn't do that bad of a job, but he stumbles over some of the words and asks Norton, "How do you read this?" She admits 17th-century handwriting is difficult and offers Foley a transcription, which he gratefully accepts. (You can read the transcription of this and other documents relating to Samuel's trial on the Salem Witch Trials site at the University of Virginia.) Foley reads "in the snare of the devil" and exclaims, "What is happening here? What is this?" The document turns out to be Samuel's confession of witchcraft, dated September 10, 1692. Foley's ancestor had been caught up in the infamous Salem witch trials. Foley admits he doesn't know details about the trials. Norton says that Samuel's confession came late in the trial period.
The narrator steps in to tell us that the Salem witch crisis (I'm used to the events being called the Salem witch trials; is this new phrase, which was used several times in the episode, some sort of redefining of history?) began in February 1692, seven months before Samuel's confession. Everything started with two girls who made bizarre accusations of witchcraft against several people. They went into contortions and had screaming fits. A doctor said they were under the influence of evil, and events exploded into an atmosphere of fear and hysteria. The Puritan community believed God was punishing them and attempted to reaffirm their religious beliefs by going after those they believed were in league with the devil. They aggressively pursued anyone who was accused.
Foley asks Norton whether Samuel was on trial. At the time of the document, he had only been accused, and he was confessing. At first he had returned "negative answers" to the questioning, that is, he had denied being a witch. He then admitted it, because up to that point, anyone who had confessed was not actually tried. The men leading the proceedings wanted confessed witches to accuse more participants. At some point after his confession, however, Samuel recanted and said he had been coerced. Unfortunately, between his confession and trial two others who had confessed were indicted and tried, so maybe Samuel decided his original plan was no longer going to be effective. He was actually tried.
Foley is surprised that not only women were considered witches. Norton explains that anyone could be accused, and that one quarter of the accused were men. Foley is then concerned about Samuel's family, which must have been in huge turmoil. Samuel had seven children; how can Foley find out what happened to them? Norton tells him that the Salem Witch House is only a few miles north of where they are at the moment, and that he should go there and find out. He will be able to speak with Margo Burns, an expert on the Andover witch trials.
Walking away from NEHGS, Foley wonders what Samuel's fate was. He hopes the family was able to stay together, for the sake of the chidren. Was Samuel one of the victims, or did he make it through?
At the Witch House, Foley tells Margo Burns, credited as a historian of the Salem witch trials, the story of Samuel (which she obviously must have known already). She hands him a copy of testimony made against Samuel. (The two documents shown below are linked to Samuel's case on the University of Virginia site, where you can read the transcriptions.) Foley again does a reasonable job of reading the 17th-century writing, with assistance from Burns on occasion. On September 14, 1692, a 16-year-old girl named Martha Spriggs accused Samuel of pinching her, sticking pins into her, and striking her down.
Foley is stunned that Martha actually believed Samuel was a wizard. He can't believe that she testified Samuel had struck her down and stuck her with pins. Burns tells him that the young girls were very dramatic in their testimony, screeching and contorting themselves. Amazingly, the court found their testimony credible, which Foley thinks is pretty scary.
Burns brings out another person's testimony. This was from Ephraim Foster, a 34-year-old man. He stated that Samuel had told his (Foster's) wife that she would have five girls before she had a son, and that the same had come to pass. Samuel had told another woman's fortune. He had a reputation for telling fortunes, reading palms, and predicting what children women would have. Foster was a more credible witness than Martha Spriggs, and he lent credibility to the charges made against Samuel. Burns explains that the people at this time believed in an invisible world around them. Angels and demons were part of their worldview and were very real to them.
Foley asks if a person on trial had an attorney. Burns tells him the accused could not have an attorney but could try to respond to the accusations made against him. After seeing all the depositions, Foley then asks what happened to Samuel. Instead of answering directly, Burns hands him a copy of a book. More Wonders of the Invisible World was first published in 1700 by a critic of the witch trials. It has many first-person accounts. The edition Foley is looking at is a later reprint. (This reprint is from 1823, quite a bit later. I think this one is the original 1700 version.) Foley reads short snippets from the book.
"September 17, nine more received sentence of death, viz. Margaret Scot, of Rowley ; goodwife Reed, of Marblehead ; Samuel Wardwell and Mary Parker, of Andover ; also Abigail Falkner, of Andover, who pleaded pregnancy ; Rebecca Ames, of Boxford, Mary Lacy and Ann Foster, of Andover, and Abigail Hobbs, of Toppsfield." (pages 217–218, 1823 edition)
Foley finds it "amazingly heavy" to learn that Samuel Wardwell was sentenced to death. The convicted were scheduled to hang. Burns says that it was the fourth hanging in the series of trials but doesn't specify whether that was in the entire proceedings or in Andover.
The narrator says that on September 22, 1692 seven woman and one man were to be hanged, and that Samuel Wardwell was the man. They were taken to the outskirts of Salem. Each was permitted to say some final words. (The names of the seven women hung on September 22 are included in the short Wikipedia article about Samuel.)
A big crowd was watching as people were protesting their innocence, with the ropes around their necks. The executioner was smoking:
"[W]hile [Wardwell] was speaking to the people, protesting his innocency, the executioner being at the same time smoking tobacco, the smoke coming in [Wardwell's] face interrupted his discourse ; those accusers said that the devil did hinder him with smoke." (page 218, 1823 edition)
Burns then goees into some detail about hanging. It could take up to 20 minutes for an individual to die, and the body could still twitch after that. The crowd would stay to see the death throes. Everyone came to watch. (This was public entertainment at the time.)
"After execution, mr. Noyes . . . said, What a sad thing it is to see eight firebrands of hell hanging there!" (page 219, 1823 edition)
Burns tells Foley that a total of nineteen people were executed in Salem. The hangings in September were the last ones.
Foley asks whether Samuel has any kind of tombstone. Burns explains that those who were hung did not have graves; their bodies were discarded in a crevice or wherever was convenient. She adds that Salem has a memorial to the people who were executed. She recommends that he experience it.
Foley is still somewhat stunned as he leaves. After all, you don't expect to discover that your ancestor was hanged as a witch. (This episode is an interesting counterpoint to that with Sarah Jessica Parker, whose ancestor was convicted but did not die, because saner minds were beginning to prevail.) He laughs and, realizing it must sound like an odd reaction, says he's laughing because what he has learned is so foreign to him. His daughter had dressed up as a witch for Hallowe'en, and everyone thought it was cute. Now he has a different perspective but maintains it was still cute, the distance from the actual event allowing for it.
Foley visits the Burying Point in Salem, which was established in 1637. There's a regular cemetery, but there are also eight benches with the names of the eight people who were hung on September 22. The first one we see him look at is Samuel Wardwell's. He also looks at phrases incised in the stones on the ground: I AM INNOCENT; I AM WRONGED; GOD KNOWS I AM INNOCENT; I CAN DENY IT TO MY DYING DAY; OH LORD HELP ME. The words put a horror to the event for him; seeing the words etched in stone makes it so severe.
Eventually Foley sits on Samuel's bench: "Just me and Sam on a bench." He muses over the fact that in Salem the memorial is a tourist attraction. People see the names, but they don't really mean anything unless you're related to them. Five days ago he didn't know anything about Samuel or Simon, and now his mind is blown. He had no idea he had such a connection to the history of our country. He plans to take the story with him from now on: "This is my story. And it's a damned good story."
When I found the University of Virginia site about the witch trials, I discovered that Samuel's wife, Sarah, and his daughter Mercy also confessed to being witches, which makes Foley's comment about the family being in turmoil much more poignant. This is one of those times when I wonder (more than usual) about what the celebrity is told that doesn't make it into the edited version of the episode. He probably didn't know about Sarah and Mercy when he asked the question, but did Norton or Burns let him know about their confessions? Sarah is even mentioned, though not by given name, in More Wonders of the Invisible World:
". . . the wife of Wardwell, who was one of the twenty executed, and it seems they had both confessed themselves guilty . . . . It is supposed that this woman, fearing her husband's fate, was not so stiff in her denials of her former confession, such as it was." (page 279, 1823 edition)
I mentioned in my post about Aisha Tyler that the Ancestry.com DNA commercials are better than the annoying one about the wrong draft registration card. I think I've decided that one of the DNA spots is becoming that annoying. It's the one with the woman who was so excited to find that she is one quarter American Indian and now wants to learn all about her heritage. Since there's no specific tribal information, just the overall "Native American" label, I found myself wondering whether the Indian pots and other items that are used as set dressing are actually related to the tribe or tribes for which she has roots. I also found it interesting that the "most shocking result" from her DNA test was the Indian ancestry, and not one comment about the 8% African.
Sunday, May 3, 2015
"Who Do You Think You Are?" - Bill Paxton
Slowly but surely working my way through the last two episodes of this season of Who Do You Think You Are? Only one more after this! It's rewatching to catch details that gets me every time.
The opening voice-over for the Bill Paxton episode says that he would uncover a war hero — we hear Paxton saying the word "spy" — bloody battles, and the shocking truth about an ancestor. We then hear that he is a celebrated actor and director with an outstanding career spanning four decades, and that he has starred in some of the most celebrated films of all time. The only films they mention, however, are Apollo 13 and Titanic. (I haven't seen Apollo 13, but I have seen Titanic, and let's face it, it was not well known for the quality of its acting or script.) He also appeared in HBO's Big Love and a mini series, The Hatfields and the McCoys, for which he earned an Emmy nomination. I was surprised they didn't mention The Terminator, Aliens, or Predator 2, probably much better known movies, but the film I always think of first for Paxton is the vampire cult classic Near Dark, a favorite of a former housemate of mine.
Paxon and his wife, Louise, live in Southern California with their children, James and Lydia. We see Lydia in passing for a very short scene, and that's it for family member appearances.
Paxton says he was born in Fort Worth, Texas, and that his parents are Mary Lou Gray and John Paxton (who was in three movies with his son). Paxton had a close relationship with his father, who died three years before the episode was filmed. They shared many of the same interests: theater, books, movies, and history. Paxton credits his success to his father.
Because he was so close to his father, Paxton already knows quite a bit about that side of the family. He had a great-great-grandfather who was a Confederate general and a great-grandfather who was an attorney in Independence, Missouri. He's hoping to learn more about that side and maybe to gather strength from what he finds. He also hopes he discovers some "savory bits" (ah, don't we all).
For the third time in seven episodes, the celebrity begins by meeting a researcher at the downtown (main) branch of the Los Angeles Public Library. (Maybe the show sent out a casting call in the L.A. area?) Paxton connects with Ancestry.com employee Kyle Betit, who earlier this season worked with Josh Groban. Paxton has told Betit he wants to learn more about the roles his family played in history.
Betit has done some initial research and hands Paxton one of the famous "here's your family, already done" tree rolls. He insists that Paxton be the one to unroll it, though. He also says that he found the tree to be pretty impressive, but he's an Ancestry employee, so it's hard to tell if that's his real opinion. The tree goes back to at least one 5th-great-grandfather, but he's on the Paxton line, and we have no way of knowing how much of the information in the tree was already known to Paxton from his family's prior research.
Paxton starts reading the names in the Paxton line, starting with himself. His father, John, was born July 14, 1920 in Missouri and died November 17, 2011 in California. Paxton comments that "he passed, it'll be three years next month", so we know this was shot in October 2014. Next is grandfather Frank Paxton, born June 10, 1887 in Missouri, died May 16, 1951 in Missouri. Great-grandfather John Gallatin Paxton was born September 17, 1859 in Virginia and died September 24, 1928 in Missouri. He was the attorney in Independence. Second-great-grandfather Elisha Franklin Paxton, the Confederate general, was born 1828 in Virginia and died March 4, 1863 in Virginia (at the Battle of Chancellorsville). Third-great-grandfather Elisha Paxton was born about 1784 in Virginia and died November 24, 1867 in Virginia. Fourth-great-grandfather William Paxton was born about 1733 and died in 1795 in Virginia. The last name is John Paxton, Bill Paxton's fifth-great-grandfather, who was born about 1692 and died about 1746 in Pennsylvania. No women's names are shown as we travel up the Paxton line.
After revisiting the names of his ancestors, Paxton says that he knows he has a family connection to the Civil War but wants to find someone in the American Revolution. Three of his fourth-great-grandfathers were alive and of appropriate ages during 1775–1783, the years of the war: William Paxton; Frank Wyatt, born 1757, died 1824 in Kentucky; and Benjamin Sharp (who married Hannah Fulkerson, born 1769, died unknown), born 1762 in Pennsylvania, died unknown. The question is, did any of them serve? When they show these names on the family tree floating in the sky, we finally see more women's names. John Gallatin Paxton married Mary Neil Gentry, whose mother was Mary Neil Wyatt. Her father was John Wyatt; his father was Francis Wyatt (as opposed to Frank, as he is shown in the family tree scroll). John Wyatt was married to Attossa Pinkney Sharp, whose father was Benjamin Sharp.
In one of those rare occurrences on WDYTYA, the first computer site we visit is not Ancestry.com. Betit suggests Paxton use the Ancestor Search on the Daughters of the American Revolution site. Paxton appears to be familiar with the name of the organization and knows it is in Washington, D.C. He uses his spiffy iPad to look first for William Paxton and then Frank Wyatt, both of whom give results of "No ancestor records found." (This doesn't necessarily mean those men didn't serve in the Revolutionary War. It could simply mean that no one has applied for membership in DAR and proven service by either man. In fact, the Wikipedia page for Elisha Franklin Paxton says that William Paxton was an American Revolutionary War veteran but gives no further information.) When he enters Benjamin Sharp's name, however, he is successful and says service Virginia, rank private, and spy — and then we cut away to a commercial. When we return, the narrator says Paxton has "just discovered a record" about an ancestor, which is absolutely not correct. What Paxton found was an index entry with transcribed notes, nothing more. And when you find transcribed information, you should always look for the original document.
What they don't mention on the program is that a search for Benjamin Sharp actually gives two results. The second one is Paxton's ancestor. The first one includes a notice to treat as a new ancestor, which means he was used by someone in the past for membership in DAR, but since then there's some question about his service, and anyone wishing to claim him as her Revolutionary War ancestor must reprove his service before membership can be approved.
That said, now that he has found the entry, Paxton of course wants to track down more information. He notes that Sharp died in 1842 in Warren County, Missouri, where John Paxton was from, and asks Betit where he should go next. The surprise is that Betit tells him he needs to go, not to Missouri, but to the DAR library, where the people there should be able to help him find some more documents about Sharp's life and service. Yes, the average person would probably just write to DAR, but on TLC and Ancestry's budgets, it's easy to fly across the country.
In the interlude, Paxton says that he knew his father's side goes back to the late 17th century in this country and that he had family alive during the American Revolution, but didn't know anything about Sharp. Now he's wondering for whom Sharp was a spy.
As he drives around Washington, Paxton says he loves D.C. His first trip there was in 1968 with his father and he has good memories. As he arrives at the DAR library, he comments that it has one of the largest collections of genealogical documents relating to Revolutionary War patriots. He is going to meet historian Jake Ruddiman (of Wake Forest University in North Carolina), whom he has asked to find information on Benjamin Sharp. Ruddiman wastes no time in laying a folder on the table in front of Paxton. In it is what appears to be a letter (but we are told is a deposition) written by Benjamin Sharp. Dated May 7, 1833 in Montgomery County, Missouri, Sharp was making an official record of his military service during the war. He was about 71 years old at the time and a resident of Warren County.
Paxton reads excerpts from the document, which is shown in short shots on screen. In June or July of 1776 Sharp was living in Washington County, Virginia. He volunteered with Captain Andrew Colville at Black's Fort (now Abingdon, Virginia). He was about 14 years old.
Ruddiman interjects that Sharp was serving with a Virginia militia group, which would have consisted of family members and neighbors. Militia were local men tied to their town or county, who defended their homes and land when the war came to them. This was in contrast to the Continental Army, which was composed of men serving with George Washington who went to the British to fight against them. At times, militia might fight with the Continental Army, if the army came to their area.
Paxton continues to read the deposition. Sharp said he was a spy, and the deposition said "ranging." He was at Glade Hollows Fort. Ruddiman explains he was probably a scout and tracked enemy movements on the roads and trails. It was an important role, because if the British surprised the local people, they could die. Ruddiman adds that Sharp's position was important but dangerous, and that Sharp was expendable because he was young, unmarried, and had no children and no farm. It would be tragic for his family, but if he died, it would not have been very disruptive to the community.
In 1778 or 1779, Sharp wrote, his detachment took several Tories. This prompts a discussion about how the men knew who was a Tory. Ruddiman admits that it was by roughing people up, often at sword point.
Sharp wrote that in 1780, Colonel (Charles) McDowell of North Carolina was driven by British and Tories over the mountains. Sharp volunteered in early September and marched with other men to the Carolinas. They overtook the British and Tories in South Carolina at Kings Mountain.
The narrator says that Patriot militiamen began in Virginia (the map shows them leaving from Abingdon, which was still Black's Fort at the time) and marched more than 200 miles over two weeks, on foot and horseback, to Kings Mountain in South Carolina. The men, including Sharp, walked the last 24 hours in rain, arriving in October 1780.
Ruddiman explains that Kings Mountain was a pivotal battle of the Revolution in the South. Even though he just read it in the deposition, Paxton asks where Kings Mountain is and is told South Carolina. Ruddiman adds that the battle site has been preserved as a national military park and that Paxton needs to go there.
As he leaves, Paxton says he wishes his father were there because he would have enjoyed hearing about the history connected with the family. He is astounded at the first-hand account he's just read and really feels his ancestor talking to him across time. He hopes to find details about the battle and learn how it started and ended and how many casualties there were (all the gory details). Now he is off to Blacksburg, South Carolina, the location of Kings Mountain National Military Park.
As Paxton drives to Kings Mountain, he sees a welcome sign (not the one shown on the program) and apparently reads, "Enjoy your visit," which he follows with, "I will. I had a relative who was here!" At the park he is looking at one of the informational signs when Chris Revels, the Chief Park Ranger, walks up and asks if he can show Paxton the battlefield. Revels tells Paxton that at the time of the battle here the war had been going on for a few years, and this battle came at a brutal point.
The narrator returns, telling us that after having suffered several defeats in the north, the British had moved their efforts to the south, where they recruited Loyalists to fight with them. They then won significant victories and played havoc with the Continental Army. British Major Patrick Ferguson, leading a group of Southern Loyalists, threatened to attack frontier Patriots. Southern Patriots planned their own attack. The militiamen, including Sharp, confronted Ferguson and his men at Kings Mountain in a battle that changed the course of the war.
Revels calls the battle the first civil war in this country, with American versus American, about 1,000 men on each side. He confirms that Sharp marched about 220 miles to get here from Virginia. He points out that he and Paxton are standing on a ridge crest to the left of where Colonel (William) Campbell and Benjamin Sharp would have come up the ridge. Paxton, of course, decides that means they are standing on the exact spot the men came up the ridge. The Patriots (Revels says Americans, but since he's already told us that both sides were Americans, that doesn't help to identify which side he means, does it?) made three charges uphill, so it must have been a bloody battle. Then Revels says he has a first-hand account of the battle, if Paxton is interested in reading it. Coincidentally, it's by Sharp.
Sharp's account (click the "next result" link at the top) was first published in American Pioneer in February 1843; it was written when he was about 80 years old. He mentioned the low gap the men had come through, which is now the road up which Revels and Paxton walked to reach the crest. Sharp talked about how the Patriots surrounded the British and Loyalists, and Sharp's militia led the charge. Major Ferguson, when he realized his side would lose, essentially committed suicide by breaking his sword and charging into the midst of the Patriots. Shortly after that the British surrendered. The battle lasted about an hour. After the battle it was near sundown, and the men camped on the battlefield, among the dead and dying. Sharp's signature is at the end of the article.
Revels says that about 28 men died on the Patriot side and 225 on the British. Thomas Jefferson called the battle the turning point of success in the American Revolution.
Paxton wants to know what happened to Sharp after the battle. He was only 18 years old at the time, and he had a lot of life left. Revels says that Paxton can probably find some answers at the Library of Virginia, the home of the Virginia State Archives, and tells him that the archives are in Richmond. As the two men walk off in different directions, I noticed that Revels has the book in his hands. What, they couldn't afford a copy to give to Paxton?
It was somewhere around here that I got tired of hearing Paxton say "amazing." I counted: nine times in the episode. He needs to find a new word.
In this interlude, Paxton admits he's very emotional about what he has learned. He's proud of his ancestor and knows his father would have been also. He thinks about Sharp's experiences at the age of 18 and can't conceive of his own son, who is 20, doing similar things. Learning about his ancestor's experiences is really bringing the American Revolution alive for him (which is a great thing!). Now he wants to know what Sharp did with the rest of his life.
Maybe Paxton understands how the celebrities on this show are led around, because he says, "So you guessed it — I'm off to Richmond, Virginia," to introduce the next segment. The more he learns about Sharp, the more he wants to learn. He's convinced that Sharp's life continued to be remarkable.
At the Library of Virginia, Paxton meets Gregg Kimball, one of the library's historians. Kimball says that he found Sharp in southwestern Virginia and has a document from the executive papers of James Monroe (the one who became president) when he was Virginia's governor. Paxton finds Sharp's name among the 60 or so on the document, which is a list of commissioners appointed to oversee the 1800 presidential election. The candidates in the election were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. Sharp was then about 38 years old (I guess they didn't have any interesting documents to show for the 20 years in between) and had a prestigious position. He was working on the state level in politics, and Monroe would probably have known who he was.
The next item Kimball brings out is an 1804–1805 attendance book for the Virginia General Assembly. He directs Paxton to look in Lee County, where Benjamin Sharp, Esq. is listed. He had moved up a little more in status and was then a member of the House of Delegates, the lower house in the Virginia state legislature. Kimball points out that Sharp probably was an independent landowner and a man of some means; all assembly members were substantial landowners.
Paxton wants to know if the library has records of Sharp's personal property or land transactions (wanting to know just how much he owned?). Kimball says indeed they do, and the two move to a microfilm reader. First Kimball has Paxton scroll to the year 1804, the year Sharp was in the assembly. He then has Paxton note what the row labels are so that he'll be able to interpret the numbers later. The categories Paxton writes down are number of white males over 16, number of blacks over 12, number of blacks over 16, and number of horses/mares/mules. Paxton understands that blacks would refer to slaves but not why there's a differentiation between age 12 and 16; Kimball explains that they were taxed at different rates, children versus adults. Kimball does not have Paxton write down the categories of retail store license, ordinary license, stud horses, and rates of covering per season, so I figured Sharp wasn't going to have been taxed on any of those. But he did have him write down the two slave categories, so I knew what I was expecting to see.
And indeed, when Paxton finds Sharp's entry on the tax list, it includes 2 white males over 16, 1 black over 12, 4 blacks over 16, and 9 horses/mares/mules, though the animals are never discussed. When Kimball confirms that the five blacks listed were slaves, Paxton says, "Unbelievable." Kimball adds that Sharp could have owned more slaves — women and children younger than 12 — who wouldn't appear on the list because they weren't taxed. Paxton: "Well, that's unfortunate." From a modern perspective, this is horrible, and now this man whom he has considered to be so great doesn't seem quite as nice. But he then adds, "Good and bad, it's your history." At least he's honest about it and didn't ask the producers to take that part out, à la Ben Affleck.
Whether they talked more and it was edited out we don't know, but that was the extent of the slavery discussion in the segment. Paxton wonders where he should go from there and recalls that Sharp died at the age of 71 (from the information we have at this point, he was actually about 80) in Warren County, Missouri. Then was another one of those comments that makes me think he gets the joke: "So something tells me I'm going to Missouri now." Kimball concurs, and Paxton leaves.
This interlude is a little more somber. Paxton recalls how his father told him that all idols have feet of clay; everyone has foibles. Learning that Sharp owned slaves seems to have thrown him off, and he admits he hasn't had a chance to process the information yet. But in Missouri he figures he'll find out the rest of the story.
Paxton is happy to be in Missouri, the land of his father, and his father, and his father before him. He's heading to the town where Sharp spent the last part of his life. He's going to meet historian Gary Kremer, who has already let Paxton know that he found a significant document about Sharp.
Kremer greets Paxton at the Warren County Historical Society. Kremer starts out by saying that some of the great social history documents available to researchers are probate records. He then brings out Sharp's original will, dated June 19, 1845, not long before Sharp died (which means that the death date in the DAR database is off!). Paxton compliments the beautiful handwriting (which looked really similar to the writing in the 1833 affidavit we saw near the beginning of the episode, but it didn't generate any comments then) before beginning to read. Sharp wanted to have his estate divided equally among his children. He also wrote, "My faithful servants, Bill and Judy, shall not be separated, but shall be left in the possession of all the livestock that may belong to them." Servants in this instance is a euphemism for slaves.
Now we get some heavy-duty rationalization of Sharp's mores. Kremer admits that Sharp still believed in the institution of slavery but emphasizes that he obviously cared about Bill and Judy, because he wanted them to be taken care of. He wanted them to have land; he included a clause in the will stating that they were not to be sold against their will to strangers but should stay with Sharp's children. He asked his descendants who inherited his slaves to treat them with humanity. But guess what? He didn't say anything (or at least we sure didn't hear anything in the episode) about actually freeing them. So personally, I'm not buying the rationalization. I don't think Paxton did, either; his comment was, "[T]hat's a tough one there." Major understatement, Mr. Paxton.
To his credit, though, he again does not apologize for his ancestor. He finds it disturbing to learn that his ancestor owned other human beings. He does not understand how they could have been so blind. This segues into a broader discussion, led by Kremer, of how even "enlightened" men of the period — Jefferson, Washington — owned slaves and the conclusion that slavery would end up tearing the country apart.
Kremer has no more documents on Sharp, but he "suggests" to Paxton that maybe they should try to trace Bill and Judy. He says they can look at the 1850 census and "perhaps" find them and learn what their status is. Paxton quite reasonably says they don't know Bill and Judy's last names. Unfortunately, Kremer adds, "It's very likely — not a certainty . . . that they might have taken the Sharp name?" Well, no, Mr. Kremer, it isn't that likely in most circumstances. Shame on you for continuing to spread this misinformation, when modern scholarship has indicated that the majority of former slaves did not take their former owners' names. But TLC and Ancestry have to pretend that these records are just being discovered, when in fact the researchers behind the scenes found them months ago. And that means you have to give Paxton a reason to search on the names you already know they're listed under. Feh.
The only positive thing to say about this part is that the ubiquitous Ancestry.com search (I am convinced that a celebrity will not be approved if there's no document on the site) did not appear until 48 minutes into the hour. Kremer has Paxton search for William Sharp (why not Bill? oh, because that's not how he's listed) in Warren County. There are two results, both born in Virginia, one about 1780 and the other about 1811. Though either man is plausible, Kremer has Paxton choose the one born in 1780, saying that would be about the right age. We haven't heard anything prior to this about how old Bill was, however, or exactly when Sharp came to Missouri. Surprise, surprise, we see Bill and Judy, now William and Judith, listed in the census of free inhabitants; Bill is a farmer. We know they're the right people because they are mulattoes (the only people on the page who are not white, in fact). The fact that both of them were born in Virginia means they came as slaves with Sharp when he moved from Virginia to Missouri.
Kremer points out to Paxton the significance of Bill and Judy being enumerated on the census of free individuals. Kremer says that Sharp's sons were fulfilling his mandate by providing protection and watching over Bill and Judy, but this is beyond Sharp's instructions. Not long after after Benjamin Sharp passed away, someone, most likely one of his descendants, took the extra, humane, step and actually freed Bill and Judy. Kudos to him. But couldn't the research team find the manumission document? I guess it wasn't Paxton's ancestor who did it, because then they surely would have shown it.
Paxton asks what else there is and accuses Kremer of holding out on him. Kremer admits that Sharp is buried about 20 miles from where they are at the moment. The grave is on private property, but the owner has given permission for Paxton to visit the gravesite. Naturally, he wants to see the grave, so that's where he'll head next.
Now Paxton does some rationalizing. He says how amazing it was to hold his ancestor's original last will and testament and adds that Sharp was a very fair man who was concerned about the people in his life. That's a big stretch. Seriously, if he were that concerned and that fair, he would have freed Bill and Judy himself. Paxton is looking forward to visiting Sharp's grave and standing on land that Sharp once owned.
We see Paxton driving on an unidentified highway, with no signs to indicate where he's headed. I'm sure if you're from the area you could probably recognize some landmarks, but for the rest of us, the location of Benjamin Sharp's grave will never be known. I guess they couldn't commandeer the highway they do repositories; at one point a car passed by him going in the other direction. Next we see Paxton driving down some sort of side road. Then he is suddenly walking through trees trying to find the gravestones. He even comments, "Wow, it really is in the woods." Obviously, the cameramen know where the graves are (did they have to cut a path for the equipment?), but either Paxton wanted to try to find them himself or they were told to let him do so, because he wanders around a little before getting there. Unlike the new, replaced stones that Tony Goldwyn found, these stones really look to be more than 150 years old. The text on them is barely readable. Paxton traces his fingers over the letters: Benjamin Sharp, died January 1, 1846, and Hannah, whose stone is next to Sharp's. Paxton has brought some stones from Kings Mountain and places them on Sharp's tombstone, saying, "You are not forgotten." I found that very touching.
In the outro, Paxton talks about how the journey he has taken during the past week has given him a lot of food for thought, and he becomes philosophical. Seeing the Sharps' gravestones has brought everything home to him in a different way. He will make sure his children know the stories of how their ancestors blazed a trail before them and learn that history. He says his father taught him that prejudice is based on fear and ignorance, a lesson he also wants his children to know, and he wants them to know more about their family history. People tend to want to hide the less pleasant parts of their history, but it's important to look at those parts also to understand who you are. It isn't what your ancestors did that defines you, however, but what you do yourself. Are you going to leave the world a better place than how you found it?
One final note: Sometimes I find transcripts of television shows online, often generated by closed captioning systems. A transcript of this episode is here, complete with hmms and ahs.
The opening voice-over for the Bill Paxton episode says that he would uncover a war hero — we hear Paxton saying the word "spy" — bloody battles, and the shocking truth about an ancestor. We then hear that he is a celebrated actor and director with an outstanding career spanning four decades, and that he has starred in some of the most celebrated films of all time. The only films they mention, however, are Apollo 13 and Titanic. (I haven't seen Apollo 13, but I have seen Titanic, and let's face it, it was not well known for the quality of its acting or script.) He also appeared in HBO's Big Love and a mini series, The Hatfields and the McCoys, for which he earned an Emmy nomination. I was surprised they didn't mention The Terminator, Aliens, or Predator 2, probably much better known movies, but the film I always think of first for Paxton is the vampire cult classic Near Dark, a favorite of a former housemate of mine.
Paxon and his wife, Louise, live in Southern California with their children, James and Lydia. We see Lydia in passing for a very short scene, and that's it for family member appearances.
Paxton says he was born in Fort Worth, Texas, and that his parents are Mary Lou Gray and John Paxton (who was in three movies with his son). Paxton had a close relationship with his father, who died three years before the episode was filmed. They shared many of the same interests: theater, books, movies, and history. Paxton credits his success to his father.
Because he was so close to his father, Paxton already knows quite a bit about that side of the family. He had a great-great-grandfather who was a Confederate general and a great-grandfather who was an attorney in Independence, Missouri. He's hoping to learn more about that side and maybe to gather strength from what he finds. He also hopes he discovers some "savory bits" (ah, don't we all).
For the third time in seven episodes, the celebrity begins by meeting a researcher at the downtown (main) branch of the Los Angeles Public Library. (Maybe the show sent out a casting call in the L.A. area?) Paxton connects with Ancestry.com employee Kyle Betit, who earlier this season worked with Josh Groban. Paxton has told Betit he wants to learn more about the roles his family played in history.
Betit has done some initial research and hands Paxton one of the famous "here's your family, already done" tree rolls. He insists that Paxton be the one to unroll it, though. He also says that he found the tree to be pretty impressive, but he's an Ancestry employee, so it's hard to tell if that's his real opinion. The tree goes back to at least one 5th-great-grandfather, but he's on the Paxton line, and we have no way of knowing how much of the information in the tree was already known to Paxton from his family's prior research.
Paxton starts reading the names in the Paxton line, starting with himself. His father, John, was born July 14, 1920 in Missouri and died November 17, 2011 in California. Paxton comments that "he passed, it'll be three years next month", so we know this was shot in October 2014. Next is grandfather Frank Paxton, born June 10, 1887 in Missouri, died May 16, 1951 in Missouri. Great-grandfather John Gallatin Paxton was born September 17, 1859 in Virginia and died September 24, 1928 in Missouri. He was the attorney in Independence. Second-great-grandfather Elisha Franklin Paxton, the Confederate general, was born 1828 in Virginia and died March 4, 1863 in Virginia (at the Battle of Chancellorsville). Third-great-grandfather Elisha Paxton was born about 1784 in Virginia and died November 24, 1867 in Virginia. Fourth-great-grandfather William Paxton was born about 1733 and died in 1795 in Virginia. The last name is John Paxton, Bill Paxton's fifth-great-grandfather, who was born about 1692 and died about 1746 in Pennsylvania. No women's names are shown as we travel up the Paxton line.
After revisiting the names of his ancestors, Paxton says that he knows he has a family connection to the Civil War but wants to find someone in the American Revolution. Three of his fourth-great-grandfathers were alive and of appropriate ages during 1775–1783, the years of the war: William Paxton; Frank Wyatt, born 1757, died 1824 in Kentucky; and Benjamin Sharp (who married Hannah Fulkerson, born 1769, died unknown), born 1762 in Pennsylvania, died unknown. The question is, did any of them serve? When they show these names on the family tree floating in the sky, we finally see more women's names. John Gallatin Paxton married Mary Neil Gentry, whose mother was Mary Neil Wyatt. Her father was John Wyatt; his father was Francis Wyatt (as opposed to Frank, as he is shown in the family tree scroll). John Wyatt was married to Attossa Pinkney Sharp, whose father was Benjamin Sharp.
In one of those rare occurrences on WDYTYA, the first computer site we visit is not Ancestry.com. Betit suggests Paxton use the Ancestor Search on the Daughters of the American Revolution site. Paxton appears to be familiar with the name of the organization and knows it is in Washington, D.C. He uses his spiffy iPad to look first for William Paxton and then Frank Wyatt, both of whom give results of "No ancestor records found." (This doesn't necessarily mean those men didn't serve in the Revolutionary War. It could simply mean that no one has applied for membership in DAR and proven service by either man. In fact, the Wikipedia page for Elisha Franklin Paxton says that William Paxton was an American Revolutionary War veteran but gives no further information.) When he enters Benjamin Sharp's name, however, he is successful and says service Virginia, rank private, and spy — and then we cut away to a commercial. When we return, the narrator says Paxton has "just discovered a record" about an ancestor, which is absolutely not correct. What Paxton found was an index entry with transcribed notes, nothing more. And when you find transcribed information, you should always look for the original document.
What they don't mention on the program is that a search for Benjamin Sharp actually gives two results. The second one is Paxton's ancestor. The first one includes a notice to treat as a new ancestor, which means he was used by someone in the past for membership in DAR, but since then there's some question about his service, and anyone wishing to claim him as her Revolutionary War ancestor must reprove his service before membership can be approved.
That said, now that he has found the entry, Paxton of course wants to track down more information. He notes that Sharp died in 1842 in Warren County, Missouri, where John Paxton was from, and asks Betit where he should go next. The surprise is that Betit tells him he needs to go, not to Missouri, but to the DAR library, where the people there should be able to help him find some more documents about Sharp's life and service. Yes, the average person would probably just write to DAR, but on TLC and Ancestry's budgets, it's easy to fly across the country.
In the interlude, Paxton says that he knew his father's side goes back to the late 17th century in this country and that he had family alive during the American Revolution, but didn't know anything about Sharp. Now he's wondering for whom Sharp was a spy.
As he drives around Washington, Paxton says he loves D.C. His first trip there was in 1968 with his father and he has good memories. As he arrives at the DAR library, he comments that it has one of the largest collections of genealogical documents relating to Revolutionary War patriots. He is going to meet historian Jake Ruddiman (of Wake Forest University in North Carolina), whom he has asked to find information on Benjamin Sharp. Ruddiman wastes no time in laying a folder on the table in front of Paxton. In it is what appears to be a letter (but we are told is a deposition) written by Benjamin Sharp. Dated May 7, 1833 in Montgomery County, Missouri, Sharp was making an official record of his military service during the war. He was about 71 years old at the time and a resident of Warren County.
Paxton reads excerpts from the document, which is shown in short shots on screen. In June or July of 1776 Sharp was living in Washington County, Virginia. He volunteered with Captain Andrew Colville at Black's Fort (now Abingdon, Virginia). He was about 14 years old.
Ruddiman interjects that Sharp was serving with a Virginia militia group, which would have consisted of family members and neighbors. Militia were local men tied to their town or county, who defended their homes and land when the war came to them. This was in contrast to the Continental Army, which was composed of men serving with George Washington who went to the British to fight against them. At times, militia might fight with the Continental Army, if the army came to their area.
Paxton continues to read the deposition. Sharp said he was a spy, and the deposition said "ranging." He was at Glade Hollows Fort. Ruddiman explains he was probably a scout and tracked enemy movements on the roads and trails. It was an important role, because if the British surprised the local people, they could die. Ruddiman adds that Sharp's position was important but dangerous, and that Sharp was expendable because he was young, unmarried, and had no children and no farm. It would be tragic for his family, but if he died, it would not have been very disruptive to the community.
In 1778 or 1779, Sharp wrote, his detachment took several Tories. This prompts a discussion about how the men knew who was a Tory. Ruddiman admits that it was by roughing people up, often at sword point.
Sharp wrote that in 1780, Colonel (Charles) McDowell of North Carolina was driven by British and Tories over the mountains. Sharp volunteered in early September and marched with other men to the Carolinas. They overtook the British and Tories in South Carolina at Kings Mountain.
The narrator says that Patriot militiamen began in Virginia (the map shows them leaving from Abingdon, which was still Black's Fort at the time) and marched more than 200 miles over two weeks, on foot and horseback, to Kings Mountain in South Carolina. The men, including Sharp, walked the last 24 hours in rain, arriving in October 1780.
Ruddiman explains that Kings Mountain was a pivotal battle of the Revolution in the South. Even though he just read it in the deposition, Paxton asks where Kings Mountain is and is told South Carolina. Ruddiman adds that the battle site has been preserved as a national military park and that Paxton needs to go there.
As he leaves, Paxton says he wishes his father were there because he would have enjoyed hearing about the history connected with the family. He is astounded at the first-hand account he's just read and really feels his ancestor talking to him across time. He hopes to find details about the battle and learn how it started and ended and how many casualties there were (all the gory details). Now he is off to Blacksburg, South Carolina, the location of Kings Mountain National Military Park.
As Paxton drives to Kings Mountain, he sees a welcome sign (not the one shown on the program) and apparently reads, "Enjoy your visit," which he follows with, "I will. I had a relative who was here!" At the park he is looking at one of the informational signs when Chris Revels, the Chief Park Ranger, walks up and asks if he can show Paxton the battlefield. Revels tells Paxton that at the time of the battle here the war had been going on for a few years, and this battle came at a brutal point.
The narrator returns, telling us that after having suffered several defeats in the north, the British had moved their efforts to the south, where they recruited Loyalists to fight with them. They then won significant victories and played havoc with the Continental Army. British Major Patrick Ferguson, leading a group of Southern Loyalists, threatened to attack frontier Patriots. Southern Patriots planned their own attack. The militiamen, including Sharp, confronted Ferguson and his men at Kings Mountain in a battle that changed the course of the war.
Revels calls the battle the first civil war in this country, with American versus American, about 1,000 men on each side. He confirms that Sharp marched about 220 miles to get here from Virginia. He points out that he and Paxton are standing on a ridge crest to the left of where Colonel (William) Campbell and Benjamin Sharp would have come up the ridge. Paxton, of course, decides that means they are standing on the exact spot the men came up the ridge. The Patriots (Revels says Americans, but since he's already told us that both sides were Americans, that doesn't help to identify which side he means, does it?) made three charges uphill, so it must have been a bloody battle. Then Revels says he has a first-hand account of the battle, if Paxton is interested in reading it. Coincidentally, it's by Sharp.
Sharp's account (click the "next result" link at the top) was first published in American Pioneer in February 1843; it was written when he was about 80 years old. He mentioned the low gap the men had come through, which is now the road up which Revels and Paxton walked to reach the crest. Sharp talked about how the Patriots surrounded the British and Loyalists, and Sharp's militia led the charge. Major Ferguson, when he realized his side would lose, essentially committed suicide by breaking his sword and charging into the midst of the Patriots. Shortly after that the British surrendered. The battle lasted about an hour. After the battle it was near sundown, and the men camped on the battlefield, among the dead and dying. Sharp's signature is at the end of the article.
Revels says that about 28 men died on the Patriot side and 225 on the British. Thomas Jefferson called the battle the turning point of success in the American Revolution.
Paxton wants to know what happened to Sharp after the battle. He was only 18 years old at the time, and he had a lot of life left. Revels says that Paxton can probably find some answers at the Library of Virginia, the home of the Virginia State Archives, and tells him that the archives are in Richmond. As the two men walk off in different directions, I noticed that Revels has the book in his hands. What, they couldn't afford a copy to give to Paxton?
It was somewhere around here that I got tired of hearing Paxton say "amazing." I counted: nine times in the episode. He needs to find a new word.
In this interlude, Paxton admits he's very emotional about what he has learned. He's proud of his ancestor and knows his father would have been also. He thinks about Sharp's experiences at the age of 18 and can't conceive of his own son, who is 20, doing similar things. Learning about his ancestor's experiences is really bringing the American Revolution alive for him (which is a great thing!). Now he wants to know what Sharp did with the rest of his life.
Maybe Paxton understands how the celebrities on this show are led around, because he says, "So you guessed it — I'm off to Richmond, Virginia," to introduce the next segment. The more he learns about Sharp, the more he wants to learn. He's convinced that Sharp's life continued to be remarkable.
At the Library of Virginia, Paxton meets Gregg Kimball, one of the library's historians. Kimball says that he found Sharp in southwestern Virginia and has a document from the executive papers of James Monroe (the one who became president) when he was Virginia's governor. Paxton finds Sharp's name among the 60 or so on the document, which is a list of commissioners appointed to oversee the 1800 presidential election. The candidates in the election were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. Sharp was then about 38 years old (I guess they didn't have any interesting documents to show for the 20 years in between) and had a prestigious position. He was working on the state level in politics, and Monroe would probably have known who he was.
The next item Kimball brings out is an 1804–1805 attendance book for the Virginia General Assembly. He directs Paxton to look in Lee County, where Benjamin Sharp, Esq. is listed. He had moved up a little more in status and was then a member of the House of Delegates, the lower house in the Virginia state legislature. Kimball points out that Sharp probably was an independent landowner and a man of some means; all assembly members were substantial landowners.
Paxton wants to know if the library has records of Sharp's personal property or land transactions (wanting to know just how much he owned?). Kimball says indeed they do, and the two move to a microfilm reader. First Kimball has Paxton scroll to the year 1804, the year Sharp was in the assembly. He then has Paxton note what the row labels are so that he'll be able to interpret the numbers later. The categories Paxton writes down are number of white males over 16, number of blacks over 12, number of blacks over 16, and number of horses/mares/mules. Paxton understands that blacks would refer to slaves but not why there's a differentiation between age 12 and 16; Kimball explains that they were taxed at different rates, children versus adults. Kimball does not have Paxton write down the categories of retail store license, ordinary license, stud horses, and rates of covering per season, so I figured Sharp wasn't going to have been taxed on any of those. But he did have him write down the two slave categories, so I knew what I was expecting to see.
And indeed, when Paxton finds Sharp's entry on the tax list, it includes 2 white males over 16, 1 black over 12, 4 blacks over 16, and 9 horses/mares/mules, though the animals are never discussed. When Kimball confirms that the five blacks listed were slaves, Paxton says, "Unbelievable." Kimball adds that Sharp could have owned more slaves — women and children younger than 12 — who wouldn't appear on the list because they weren't taxed. Paxton: "Well, that's unfortunate." From a modern perspective, this is horrible, and now this man whom he has considered to be so great doesn't seem quite as nice. But he then adds, "Good and bad, it's your history." At least he's honest about it and didn't ask the producers to take that part out, à la Ben Affleck.
Whether they talked more and it was edited out we don't know, but that was the extent of the slavery discussion in the segment. Paxton wonders where he should go from there and recalls that Sharp died at the age of 71 (from the information we have at this point, he was actually about 80) in Warren County, Missouri. Then was another one of those comments that makes me think he gets the joke: "So something tells me I'm going to Missouri now." Kimball concurs, and Paxton leaves.
This interlude is a little more somber. Paxton recalls how his father told him that all idols have feet of clay; everyone has foibles. Learning that Sharp owned slaves seems to have thrown him off, and he admits he hasn't had a chance to process the information yet. But in Missouri he figures he'll find out the rest of the story.
Paxton is happy to be in Missouri, the land of his father, and his father, and his father before him. He's heading to the town where Sharp spent the last part of his life. He's going to meet historian Gary Kremer, who has already let Paxton know that he found a significant document about Sharp.
Kremer greets Paxton at the Warren County Historical Society. Kremer starts out by saying that some of the great social history documents available to researchers are probate records. He then brings out Sharp's original will, dated June 19, 1845, not long before Sharp died (which means that the death date in the DAR database is off!). Paxton compliments the beautiful handwriting (which looked really similar to the writing in the 1833 affidavit we saw near the beginning of the episode, but it didn't generate any comments then) before beginning to read. Sharp wanted to have his estate divided equally among his children. He also wrote, "My faithful servants, Bill and Judy, shall not be separated, but shall be left in the possession of all the livestock that may belong to them." Servants in this instance is a euphemism for slaves.
Now we get some heavy-duty rationalization of Sharp's mores. Kremer admits that Sharp still believed in the institution of slavery but emphasizes that he obviously cared about Bill and Judy, because he wanted them to be taken care of. He wanted them to have land; he included a clause in the will stating that they were not to be sold against their will to strangers but should stay with Sharp's children. He asked his descendants who inherited his slaves to treat them with humanity. But guess what? He didn't say anything (or at least we sure didn't hear anything in the episode) about actually freeing them. So personally, I'm not buying the rationalization. I don't think Paxton did, either; his comment was, "[T]hat's a tough one there." Major understatement, Mr. Paxton.
To his credit, though, he again does not apologize for his ancestor. He finds it disturbing to learn that his ancestor owned other human beings. He does not understand how they could have been so blind. This segues into a broader discussion, led by Kremer, of how even "enlightened" men of the period — Jefferson, Washington — owned slaves and the conclusion that slavery would end up tearing the country apart.
Kremer has no more documents on Sharp, but he "suggests" to Paxton that maybe they should try to trace Bill and Judy. He says they can look at the 1850 census and "perhaps" find them and learn what their status is. Paxton quite reasonably says they don't know Bill and Judy's last names. Unfortunately, Kremer adds, "It's very likely — not a certainty . . . that they might have taken the Sharp name?" Well, no, Mr. Kremer, it isn't that likely in most circumstances. Shame on you for continuing to spread this misinformation, when modern scholarship has indicated that the majority of former slaves did not take their former owners' names. But TLC and Ancestry have to pretend that these records are just being discovered, when in fact the researchers behind the scenes found them months ago. And that means you have to give Paxton a reason to search on the names you already know they're listed under. Feh.
The only positive thing to say about this part is that the ubiquitous Ancestry.com search (I am convinced that a celebrity will not be approved if there's no document on the site) did not appear until 48 minutes into the hour. Kremer has Paxton search for William Sharp (why not Bill? oh, because that's not how he's listed) in Warren County. There are two results, both born in Virginia, one about 1780 and the other about 1811. Though either man is plausible, Kremer has Paxton choose the one born in 1780, saying that would be about the right age. We haven't heard anything prior to this about how old Bill was, however, or exactly when Sharp came to Missouri. Surprise, surprise, we see Bill and Judy, now William and Judith, listed in the census of free inhabitants; Bill is a farmer. We know they're the right people because they are mulattoes (the only people on the page who are not white, in fact). The fact that both of them were born in Virginia means they came as slaves with Sharp when he moved from Virginia to Missouri.
Kremer points out to Paxton the significance of Bill and Judy being enumerated on the census of free individuals. Kremer says that Sharp's sons were fulfilling his mandate by providing protection and watching over Bill and Judy, but this is beyond Sharp's instructions. Not long after after Benjamin Sharp passed away, someone, most likely one of his descendants, took the extra, humane, step and actually freed Bill and Judy. Kudos to him. But couldn't the research team find the manumission document? I guess it wasn't Paxton's ancestor who did it, because then they surely would have shown it.
Paxton asks what else there is and accuses Kremer of holding out on him. Kremer admits that Sharp is buried about 20 miles from where they are at the moment. The grave is on private property, but the owner has given permission for Paxton to visit the gravesite. Naturally, he wants to see the grave, so that's where he'll head next.
Now Paxton does some rationalizing. He says how amazing it was to hold his ancestor's original last will and testament and adds that Sharp was a very fair man who was concerned about the people in his life. That's a big stretch. Seriously, if he were that concerned and that fair, he would have freed Bill and Judy himself. Paxton is looking forward to visiting Sharp's grave and standing on land that Sharp once owned.
We see Paxton driving on an unidentified highway, with no signs to indicate where he's headed. I'm sure if you're from the area you could probably recognize some landmarks, but for the rest of us, the location of Benjamin Sharp's grave will never be known. I guess they couldn't commandeer the highway they do repositories; at one point a car passed by him going in the other direction. Next we see Paxton driving down some sort of side road. Then he is suddenly walking through trees trying to find the gravestones. He even comments, "Wow, it really is in the woods." Obviously, the cameramen know where the graves are (did they have to cut a path for the equipment?), but either Paxton wanted to try to find them himself or they were told to let him do so, because he wanders around a little before getting there. Unlike the new, replaced stones that Tony Goldwyn found, these stones really look to be more than 150 years old. The text on them is barely readable. Paxton traces his fingers over the letters: Benjamin Sharp, died January 1, 1846, and Hannah, whose stone is next to Sharp's. Paxton has brought some stones from Kings Mountain and places them on Sharp's tombstone, saying, "You are not forgotten." I found that very touching.
In the outro, Paxton talks about how the journey he has taken during the past week has given him a lot of food for thought, and he becomes philosophical. Seeing the Sharps' gravestones has brought everything home to him in a different way. He will make sure his children know the stories of how their ancestors blazed a trail before them and learn that history. He says his father taught him that prejudice is based on fear and ignorance, a lesson he also wants his children to know, and he wants them to know more about their family history. People tend to want to hide the less pleasant parts of their history, but it's important to look at those parts also to understand who you are. It isn't what your ancestors did that defines you, however, but what you do yourself. Are you going to leave the world a better place than how you found it?
One final note: Sometimes I find transcripts of television shows online, often generated by closed captioning systems. A transcript of this episode is here, complete with hmms and ahs.
Wednesday, October 10, 2012
DAR and Lithuanian Citizenship
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| from Ghosts of the Pines |
After my talk, I went to the Oakland FamilySearch Library to do some research but ended up helping someone who came in looking for advice on how to prove his grandmother was Lithuanian, so he can claim Lithuanian citizenship. I wrote recently about the right of return and my experience researching someone's Italian ancestry. Apparently the Lithuanian requirements are similar to the Italian, including eligibility up through a great-grandparent (though the information on the Wikipedia page is singularly uninformative). One aspect relating to eligibility is proving that the ancestor was a Lithuanian while Lithuania was an independent country, between 1918-1940. His grandmother was living in Lithuania at that time, and there was a 1923 national census, so I recommended he try to find out if the census has survived and has information about individuals. There's also the possibility of finding a civil birth registration (his grandmother was born when Lithuania was part of the Russian Empire), or maybe the visa issued by Lithuania when his grandmother left to immigrate to the United States.
An interesting quirk in this patron's situation is that his great-grandfather immigrated to the United States in 1913, while Lithuania was part of the Russian Empire, but did not apply for U.S. citizenship until 1922. When the great-grandfather submitted his Declaration of Intention to become a citizen, he renounced citizenship and allegiance to Russia. So I'm wondering what his citizenship status was from 1918-1922, when Lithuania was independent but he had not renounced any citizenship. Was he Lithuanian? Russian? Stateless?
Tuesday, July 24, 2012
Upcoming Family History Presentations
I love teaching about genealogy. I've had a pretty restricted schedule for the past few months, though, and haven't been able to schedule many family history talks (my last one was February 26). But things have finally settled down a bit, and I now have several presentations planned through the end of the year, and even into next year!
I'll be teaching "Jewish Genealogy for Beginners" on Sunday, August 5, at this year's J-West. I'll also be teaching a semester-long Jewish genealogy class for Midrasha, the East Bay Jewish community high school in Berkeley. That class runs from September to December.
On September 15 I'll make a presentation to the San Mateo County Genealogical Society about the incredible details you can learn about a family if you follow them through newspapers for more than a hundred years. That's a brand-new talk. And sometime in September (I hope they tell me the date soon!) I'll talk about vital records (a new talk for me) for the California Genealogical Society and Oakland Family Search Library (formerly the Family History Center).
October is Family History Month, and I'm going to be busy. Another new talk is the one I will be giving to the Mt. Diablo DAR chapter on October 9. My ancestor was an American patriot during the Revolutionary War, but his brother ... not so much. On October 14 I'll be at the Davis Genealogy Club, talking about how even when you start with very little information, you can still build on what you have step by step and find out more about your family. Then on October 18 I'll teach how many ways newspapers can help in genealogical research to the Napa Valley Genealogical Society. And on October 20 I'll be repeating the two latter talks for the Concord Family Search Library's annual Digging for Your Roots one-day conference. Five talks may not sound like much for one month, but that's on top of my regular work!
November 14 will see me at the East Bay Genealogical Society with another new presentation, this one on techniques to find maiden names of the women in your family. When a woman changed her surname to that of her husband, it can be very difficult to find that original name. Without it, you can't find her parents.
And I just heard today that one of my submissions was accepted for the 2013 Ohio Genealogical Society conference! The conference runs April 25-27 in Cincinnati. I'll be talking about online historical black newspapers.
If you attend any of my talks, please say hi and let me know you read my blog!
I'll be teaching "Jewish Genealogy for Beginners" on Sunday, August 5, at this year's J-West. I'll also be teaching a semester-long Jewish genealogy class for Midrasha, the East Bay Jewish community high school in Berkeley. That class runs from September to December.
On September 15 I'll make a presentation to the San Mateo County Genealogical Society about the incredible details you can learn about a family if you follow them through newspapers for more than a hundred years. That's a brand-new talk. And sometime in September (I hope they tell me the date soon!) I'll talk about vital records (a new talk for me) for the California Genealogical Society and Oakland Family Search Library (formerly the Family History Center).
October is Family History Month, and I'm going to be busy. Another new talk is the one I will be giving to the Mt. Diablo DAR chapter on October 9. My ancestor was an American patriot during the Revolutionary War, but his brother ... not so much. On October 14 I'll be at the Davis Genealogy Club, talking about how even when you start with very little information, you can still build on what you have step by step and find out more about your family. Then on October 18 I'll teach how many ways newspapers can help in genealogical research to the Napa Valley Genealogical Society. And on October 20 I'll be repeating the two latter talks for the Concord Family Search Library's annual Digging for Your Roots one-day conference. Five talks may not sound like much for one month, but that's on top of my regular work!
November 14 will see me at the East Bay Genealogical Society with another new presentation, this one on techniques to find maiden names of the women in your family. When a woman changed her surname to that of her husband, it can be very difficult to find that original name. Without it, you can't find her parents.
And I just heard today that one of my submissions was accepted for the 2013 Ohio Genealogical Society conference! The conference runs April 25-27 in Cincinnati. I'll be talking about online historical black newspapers.
If you attend any of my talks, please say hi and let me know you read my blog!
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